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HomeHorse Law NewsTitle: "Legacy Downs Kicks Off Live Racing Season in Lincoln, Revitalizing Nebraska's...

Title: "Legacy Downs Kicks Off Live Racing Season in Lincoln, Revitalizing Nebraska’s Horse Racing Industry"

It’s off to the races at Legacy Downs in Lincoln on Friday, the racetrack’s first day of live racing.

The track will host around 90 races in the next five weeks, the most extensive slate of racing in Lincoln since the closure of State Fair Park more than a decade ago.

The expanded racing is helping keep Nebraska horse owners, jockeys, and caretakers in the state while generating more betting revenue, said Lynne McNally, CEO of the Nebraska Horsemen’s Benevolent and Protective Association (NHBPA).

McNally said live racing is uniquely exciting for horse racing fans.

“You really have to be there to experience it,” she said. “It’s just a one-of-a-kind experience that everybody would enjoy.”

NHBPA is a group of horse owners and trainers from around the state. It owns two tracks—Legacy Downs and Horsemen’s Park in Omaha—and is partnering with WarHorse Casino for the live meet. McNally said the betting revenue is valuable for the industry.

“We use the revenue that we generate from our share of the casino revenue to put into live horse racing, which promotes live racing and horse breeding in the state as well,” McNally said.

McNally said Nebraska was a leader in horse racing until the historic Ak-Sar-Ben racetrack in Omaha closed in 1995. She and the NHBPA worked to get three ballot initiatives to voters in 2020, aiming to regulate and tax casino gambling at Nebraska racetracks. All three measures passed.

Most of the taxable gambling revenue goes toward property tax relief, while counties and cities where the racetrack casinos are located get the second-largest cut.

As Nebraska looks to become a horse racing front-runner again, long racing seasons serve as incentives to keep racers in the state. When there are off-weeks and a lack of races, racers need to leave the state to find races, which McNally says the industry is trying to prevent.

“We’re hoping to increase days to the point where, if you’re a Nebraska horseman and you would like to stay in the state and run all year, you will be able to do that and support yourself financially,” McNally said.

Nebraska law requires at least one race per day of racing to include Nebraska-bred racehorses, and 3% of the prize money must go to the horse’s breeder. This, and many other legal measures surrounding Nebraska horse racing, aim to keep money in the state’s racetrack industry, she said.

The purse money for this year’s Legacy Downs races ranges from $20,000 to $30,000 per race. The races are free and open to the public, and those over 21 can take part in betting.

McNally said Gov. Jim Pillen will be at Legacy Downs on Friday to lead the post-parade on horseback.

There are 33 total weekends of horse racing in Nebraska this year, with the first races having occurred at Grand Island’s Fonner Park from Feb. 15 to last weekend. Legacy Downs’ live meets continue until June 8, after which Harrah’s Racing & Casino in Columbus will host a month of racing and then Horsemen’s Park in Omaha will close out July with two weekends of racing.

Legacy Downs in Lincoln kicked off its first day of live racing on Friday, marking a significant return to extensive horse racing in Nebraska, with around 90 races scheduled over the next five weeks. This initiative is crucial for retaining local horse owners, jockeys, and caretakers, while also boosting betting revenue, according to Lynne McNally, CEO of the Nebraska Horsemen’s Benevolent and Protective Association (NHBPA). She emphasized the unique excitement of live racing, which is vital for engaging fans and supporting the local horse racing industry.

The NHBPA, which owns Legacy Downs and Horsemen’s Park in Omaha, has partnered with WarHorse Casino to enhance live racing opportunities. The revenue generated from betting is reinvested into the industry, promoting both live racing and horse breeding in Nebraska. Following the closure of the historic Ak-Sar-Ben racetrack in 1995, McNally and the NHBPA successfully advocated for ballot initiatives in 2020 to regulate and tax casino gambling at racetracks, with most revenue directed toward property tax relief and local municipalities.

With a goal to reestablish Nebraska as a leader in horse racing, the NHBPA aims to create a long racing season that allows local racers to remain in the state year-round. Nebraska law mandates that a portion of race prizes be allocated to breeders of Nebraska-bred horses, ensuring that funds circulate within the local industry. This year’s races at Legacy Downs feature purses ranging from $20,000 to $30,000, and the events are free to the public, with betting available for those over 21. Governor Jim Pillen is set to participate in the opening festivities, highlighting the significance of this racing season for the state.

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Title: Historic Election: Robert Prevost Becomes the First American Pope in 2,000 Years

For the first time in history, an American has been elected as Pope. The idea of an American pope has often been dismissed, even by theologians in the United States in the run-up to this week’s conclave. So few expected Robert Prevost to walk out onto the balcony at the Vatican as the new head of the Catholic Church.

And yet, on Thursday the Chicago-born cardinal-bishop, known by friends as “Bob,” made history after becoming the 267th pope – the first time in the Church’s 2,000-year history that an American has been appointed to lead it.

Prevost – who has joint Peruvian citizenship and spent years living and working in the South American country – has chosen to be known as Leo XIV. As Bishop of Chicago, the 69-year-old pontiff once oversaw the largest Archdiocese in North America.

Prior to his election, many observers had questioned him as a candidate due to his relatively young age and inexperience. Some speculated that cardinals would also wish to select a European, following 12 years of tenure by Pope Francis – an Argentinian – and considered it unlikely a pontiff would emerge from the U.S.

The Reverend James Bretzke, a theology professor at John Carroll University in Ohio, told USA Today this week that a diplomat was required to replace Pope Francis, adding: “America’s image in the world simply is too powerful − and to be blunt, ugly.”

Vatican insiders had described Prevost as a “dark horse” candidate who quietly rose to prominence in the days just before the conclave, having been made a cardinal-bishop in February this year. In terms of leading the Catholic Church, he has been described as a “dignified middle of the road” leader, compared with Francis, who was considered a progressive pontiff, and more conservative alternatives.

Significantly, he presided over one of the most revolutionary reforms Francis made, when he added three women to the voting bloc that decides which bishop nominations to forward to the pope.

However, Prevost has also expressed less progressive stances, including more negative views of the LGBT community. According to The New York Times, in an address to bishops in 2012, Prevost bemoaned the fact that western media fostered “sympathy for beliefs and practices that are at odds with the gospel,” pointing to the “homosexual lifestyle” and “alternative families comprised of same-sex partners and their adopted children.”

Prevost, who holds both American and Peruvian citizenship, previously served as prefect of the Vatican’s Dicastery for Bishops, which handles various administrative and pastoral responsibilities of the Holy See, including vetting nominations for bishops around the world.

Born in Chicago, Illinois, in 1955, Prevost grew up in the city’s south suburbs, where he lived in Dolton with his parents and two brothers. Reports claimed he was a fan of the Chicago Cubs baseball team. The record, however, was set straight on Thursday by his brother, who confirmed he had “always” been a White Sox fan.

Growing up, a steady stream of priests passed through his family home, and the youngster reportedly had a positive experience of parish life, serving as an altar boy and attending school in the St. Mary of the Assumption parish on the far South Side.

Prevost was sent to study canon law at the Angelicum in Rome and was ordained as a priest in the city in 1982. After completing his studies, he was invited to work in the Territorial Prelature of Chulucanas, in northwestern Peru, which held strong connections with the U.S. Augustinians.

Prevost is an expert in canon law, a system that functions like a constitution and legal system specifically for the Catholic Church, affording him appeal to the more traditional wings of the Vatican.

It remains to be seen how he will respond to the actions of U.S. President Donald Trump, who posted his congratulations on his social media platform Truth Social after the announcement that Prevost was Pope.

Prevost’s latest post on X was a repost of an account criticizing the Trump administration’s policy on immigrant deportations.

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Title: "The Illusion of Smart Growth: A Cautionary Perspective on Vermont’s Development Policies"


Economist Kenneth Boulding famously said, “Anyone who believes that exponential growth can go on forever in a finite world is either a madman or an economist." Boulding’s words came to mind recently during VNRC’s Smart Growth Conference in Montpelier, which I attended.

Don’t get me wrong. Smart growth includes admirable principles, like restricting sprawl and "protecting environmental, natural and historic features." But these goals are only aspirational. And the term "features" reveals a superficial understanding of what is at stake.

What concerns me most about "smart" growth is that it isn’t fundamentally different from conventional growth. It’s … growth, with different branding. And at the conference it became clear that the term has become a tool in a coordinated effort to weaken or eliminate regulations that prevent rampant exploitation of Vermont’s environment. Without those laws, the development floodgates will open. Developers don’t care about aspirations. They care about profits.

To put it bluntly, smart growth is a Trojan horse for developers.

Kevin Chu of the Vermont Futures Project and member of the conference’s panel of speakers, told us that his parents emigrated from China in the late 1980s. They moved to Shelburne and found Vermont to be a friendly and welcoming place. They worked hard, raised three boys, and sent them to college. Chu is understandably motivated to help us return to a time when such opportunities were plentiful.

But then his tone changed: "We must acknowledge the history of how we arrived at today," he said, and then read from a segment of VPR’s Brave Little State: “Act 250 has contributed to racial inequity in Vermont. There is some indication that racist fears shaped the law from the very beginning." The "indication" is a disparaging remark about fast food joints made by governor Deane Davis, who advocated for and signed Act 250 into law in 1970. Governor Davis was concerned about the impacts of the sudden surge in development happening at that time.

Environmental historian Bruce Post, author of The Mountain Manifesto, explained that Vermont’s land use laws emanated from a groundswell of environmental concerns in the late 60s. Many Vermonters helped to frame the debate that led to the Gibb Commission and ultimately to Act 250 and other environmental measures. Vermonters were motivated by a desire to protect the land they loved from unchecked development, especially around ski areas. Governor Davis was worried about developers with big money paving over Vermont, not about people of color moving here.

Anyone who lived through the 60s and 70s can remember the collective cultural awareness that Nature must be defended from the voracious appetite of industrial civilization. The overarching goal of Act 250 was to find some balance between economic growth and the continued health of the land. Governor Davis opened the 1970 Legislature by calling for a commission to review the impacts of growth: "humans are an inescapable part of an intricate system of life and growth that begins with air, soil, and water and includes myriad forms of life and activity on which we are mutually dependent." Among Governor Davis’s goals were restrictions on pesticide use, a ban on development at elevations above 2,500 ft, and restrictions on development in flood plains and lakeshores.

Carol Irons, former Vice Chair of Vermont’s Commission on Native American Affairs, put it this way: "There are plenty of examples of racism in Vermont’s history, but Act 250 isn’t one of them."

Act 250 isn’t a racist law, but describing it as one serves to undermine legislation that developers see as an obstacle.

Many people long to return to a time when possibilities and opportunities seemed endless. Gutting Act 250 will not bring that back. In fact, Act 250 was in full force during the era that Chu remembers so fondly. Act 250 isn’t to blame for the housing or affordability crises we face today – these problems are global.

The reason for these crises is that industrial civilization has exceeded its limits. As discomforting as this is, it behooves us to face it. Rather than attempting to expand the state’s population by 135,000, as the Vermont Futures Project proposes, we need a statewide discussion about how to ensure a decent life for those who live here now; about the failures of our existing infrastructure (especially municipal wastewater treatment plants); about the relationship between housing shortages and the explosion in short-term rentals; about Vermont’s carrying capacity and the consequences of ecological overshoot.

As we enter an uncertain future, author Wendell Berry provides a valuable perspective: "We have lived by the assumption that what was good for us would be good for the world. … We have been wrong. We must change our lives, so that it will be possible to live by the contrary assumption, that what is good for the world will be good for us."

That’s not "smart," that’s wise.

Suzanna Jones is an off-the-grid farmer who lives in Walden. Opinions expressed by columnists do not necessarily reflect the views of Vermont News & Media.

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